Institutions, scribes and patrons
The conclusion that the institutional background for the Leopold codex is likely to have been the parish church of St Jacob at Innsbruck may be reached in various ways. One of these is that Nicolaus Leopold, schoolmaster in 1511, may have inherited all this music from his predecessors at St Jacob’s. Admittedly, the political and cultural affiliations of the repertory, which are reflected in the musical concordances, point to a Habsburgian courtly background – which is why the manuscript has often been associated with a Habsburg court repertory or even with ‘the Imperial court’.[50] But the Leopold codex has, to start with, no known connections with the court music of Emperor Friedrich III, who resided at Graz and later at Linz, where he died in 1493.[51] The entire first section originated before c.1490, when Innsbruck was the residence of Archduke Siegmund, Count of Tyrol. During this period, Siegmund used the church of St Jacob, on his doorstep, for ceremonial sacred services, with music provided by the schoolmaster and his choirboys, occasionally together with singing chaplains (cantors) in his employ.[52] The court organists – Nicolaus Krombsdorfer from 1463, Paul Hofhaimer from 1478 – doubled as church organists. The prince paid individual musicians, including many visitors, and sponsored secular music – but the official liturgical repertory must have been recorded at the church itself. Scribe ‘A’, who copied most of the sacred music in the first section of the codex, is to be sought among the musicians of the church and the court. The leading musician was the cantor and organist Krombsdorfer, who in his later years was court chaplain, and ultimately parish priest of St Jacob’s, although precisely because of his many functions and high-ranking position he seems less likely to have acted as a humble music scribe.[53] This activity rather befitted the schoolmaster himself, who in 1466-1478 was Wolfgang Unterstetter. His successor (or deputy) in 1478-1486 was Matthias Sekeresch, but in 1485 Unterstetter received a pension because of illness, implying that he had been serving in some capacity in the intervening years.[54] Thus we may tentatively propose the identification of Unterstetter with scribe ‘A’, whose work on the codex in fact ceases in c.1482-85.
What appears to be a scribe’s name – ‘Quest’ (or Huest) ‘Frölich’ – is recorded in the manuscript itself on fol. 195r. The scribal hand (‘J’) associated with this signature (if that’s what it is) appears only in gatherings 19 and 20 (c. 1487), in a copy of Isaac’s Missa Wol auff gesell. The following 28 gatherings were compiled by altogether 31 scribes who supplied individual gatherings or sequences of gatherings dedicated to single larger works, often with smaller additions. These gatherings, which were originally kept unbound, are not consistently arranged in chronological order.[55] They seem to have been acquired from individuals outside the main establishment who came and went. In this way, the repertory may reflect the varied musical life of the courtly and commercial city as well as the regular liturgical needs of its main church. In the early 1490s, scribal activity focuses on new works by Jacob Obrecht (gatherings 22, 24 and 25), which may well have been imported by musicians of King Maximilian who then partly resided at Innsbruck.
After 1492, however, Innsbruck was no longer the main residence of a Habsburg prince. The king was more often in Augsburg or on campaigns further afield. His marriage to Bianca Maria Sforza (1493, celebrated in Hall, 1494)[56] had the effect of keeping at least one royal figure in or near Innsbruck, where her husband sometimes left her behind; she and Siegmund’s wife Katharina of Saxony (until 1496) used the Hofburg and various castles in Tyrol, probably frequenting St Jacob’s for ceremonies.
Most importantly, the repertory which research has associated with Maximilian’s chapel(s) after 1492 is conspicuously absent from Leopold. There is no new work by Isaac, who in 1496 was (re-?)engaged by Maximilian in Italy and was soon to compose sumptuous service music for him. Concordances with typical sources of the royal household repertory are strikingly rare. Not a single composition in the codex is attributable to Paul Hofhaimer, who in 1489 joined Maximilian’s service, or to Pierre de la Rue, who in 1503 visited Innsbruck and Hall with his employer, Philip the Fair, or to younger musicians of Maximilian’s entourage such as Adam Rener.
This is not to say that Habsburgian links are absent. The penultimate composition to be entered (no. 173: 1509-11) is the anonymous five-voice motet Ave mundi spes Maria, dedicated to Maximilian’s councillor Matthäus Lang, then Bishop of Gurk. But the Leopold repertory in its later years has no consistent connection with a Habsburg chapel. The schoolmasters acquired what they could, and probably instigated some new compositions to cover ceremonial needs. New research may explore the possible patronage of the princesses, the music-loving Katharina of Saxony, and the oft-forgotten Bianca Maria Sforza, in shaping the musical heritage of the Leopold codex.
[50] There was no Holy Roman Emperor in 1493-1508.
[51] See » D. Hofmusik. Albrecht II und Friedrich III. The composer abbreviation ‘Ar. fer.’ on no. 64 (gathering 11: 1483-84) could refer to Emperor Friedrich’s chaplain Arnold Fleron: it so happens that an ‘Arnold’, probably Fleron, is recorded at Innsbruck as ‘componist’ in both 1483 and 1484: see Strohm 1993, 518 and 531 n. 478
[52] Further on the organisation of the courtly music, see » D. Hofmusik. Innsbruck; Senn 1954.
[53] Rifkin 2003, 285 n. 103, rejects the identification of scribe ‘A’ with Krombsdorfer because of the ‘Italianate’ features of a letter he sent in 1472 to Duke Ercole d’Este (» G. Kap. Ferrara): but this calligraphy was surely chosen for the benefit of the addressee.
[54] Wolfgang Unterstetter, suffering from podagra, received from the court a weekly measure of salt: HHSt Wien (A-Whh), Kopialbuch H. Nr. 7, 1485, fol. 170v-171r.
[55] See » Abb. Synopsis, and Noblitt 1987-96, IV, 341-57; Rumbold 2018, 287-89.
[56] » I. Music and Ceremony in Maximilian’s Innsbruck (Helen Coffey)
[1] Colour images of the manuscript are available at https://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0005/bsb00059604/images/.
[2] Some 34 hands can be distinguished in the second section of the manuscript alone; one of these (hand ‘Y’, fols 370r– 379v) also occurs in the manuscript D-B Mus. Ms. 40021 (fols 253r–254v).
[3] Noblitt 1987-96, I, viii; synopsis of foliations in IV, 313-14.
[5] Noblitt 1968, 1974, 1987, 1997 (etc.). For other recent research, see Strohm 1993, 516-23; Rifkin 2003, Rumbold 2018.
[6] See, for example, Josquin Desprez, Missa Fortuna desperata (fols 172r-178r), recorded in 2001 by the Clerks’ Group, dir. Edward Wickham (ASV label, catalogue no. GAU 220); in 2009 by the Tallis Scholars, dir. Peter Phillips (Gimell label, catalogue no. 42); and in 2018 by Biscantor! Métamorphoses (Ar-Re-Se label, catalogue no. AR 20181). The second Agnus Dei of Isaac’s Missa Wol auff gesell/Comment peult avoir joye (fols 179r-196r and 456v-463v) was recorded by Capella Alamire and the Alamire Consort, dir. Peter Urqhuart, CD Music of Pierrequin de Thérache (Centaur label, catalogue no. CRC3282), track 10. Kyrie of the anonymous Missa O Österreich (fols 205v-213r): Ensemble Rosarum Flores, CD Global Player Maximilian: Musikalisches Networking um 1500 (Musikmuseum label, catalogue no. 13042), track 1. Obrecht’s Missa Si dedero (fols 449v-456r): ANS Chorus, dir. János Bali (Hungaroton label, catalogue no. HCD 31946). The anonymous motets Ave mundi spes/Gottes namen (fols 29v-30r) and O propugnator miserorum (fols 148v-150r): Stimmwerck, SACD Flos virginum: Motets of the 15th Century (CPO label, catalogue no. 7779372), tracks 8 and 6, respectively. Isaac’s motet Argentum et aurum (fols 72v-73r) and the German songs So stee ich hie auff diser erd, Ich sachs ains mals, Gespile, liebe gespile gut, Es sassen höld in ainer stuben (fols 51v-53r): Ensemble Leones, CD Argentum et aurum: Musical Treasures from the Early Habsburg Renaissance (Naxos label, catalogue no. 8.573346), tracks 1, 16, 22, 20 and 21, respectively.
[7] It is not to be confused with the Hofkirche, adjacent to the Hofburg, which was completed in 1553 and contains Maximilian’s cenotaph.
[8] » I. Music and ceremony in Maximilian’s Innsbruck (Helen Coffey).
[9] Fässler 1975.
[10] Fässler 1975, 32, from Tiroler Landesarchiv (TLA) Innsbruck, Raitbücher der tirolischen Kammer, 1511, vol 56, fol 77v, vol 56, fol 290v.
[12] The city archives of Innsbruck (Stadtarchiv, Register, p. 43), mention a ‘Veit schulmaister’ in 1498.
[16] Dèzes 1927; see also Noblitt 1987-96, IV, 369.
[17] The work is later anonymously transmitted in Librone 1 of the Gaffurius-Codices of Milan (I-MD 2269). Rifkin 2003, 255, thinks that it might be by Antoine Busnoys.
[18] Rumbold 2018, 319-22 describes the copy of the Sanctus and Agnus Dei in detail, with facsimile.
[19] For the distribution of the music in the manuscript see Rumbold 2018, with a full inventory.
[20] For details, see Rumbold 2018.
[21] No. 55, for example, is a textless piece written on the two inner sides of a bifolio (fol. 75/84), which was then wrapped round an existing gathering (8), so that the two sides could no longer be read simultaneously. See Noblitt 1987-96, IV, 344, where the last sentence must read ‘so daß eine Aufführung aus dem Ms. unwahrscheinlich ist’.
[23] Noblitt 1968, Rifkin 2003. The actual ‘motetti missales’ of Milan (1470s and later) are not copied here.
[24] » Hörbsp. ♫ for all five songs.
[25] ‘Tannhauser, ihr seid mir lieb’ (Venus addressing Tannhäuser) is a stanza of the ‘Tannhäuserlied’ (Nun will ich aber heben an), printed in Nuremberg, 1515; the Leopold codex is its earliest known source.
[26] See » A. Kap. Der Prozessionshymnus (Stefan Engels): » J. Kap. Passions- und Osterfeierlichkeiten (Andrea Horz); » Notenbsp. O du armer Judas.
[27] On this work, see Staehelin 1977, 148-50, 205.
[28] Noblitt 1992 calls this a Missa in tempore belli; see also » D. SL O Österreich. Page layout of the Agnus Dei described in Rumbold 2018, 322-23.
[29] Steinegger 1954. Further on traditions of the church, see » D. Hofmusik. Innsbruck.
[30] Page layout described in Rumbold 2018, 329-34.
[32] » D. Hofmusik. Innsbruck; » I. Instrumentalkünstler (Martin Kirnbauer).
[34] See Noblitt 1974 (with table of watermarks, p. 39); Noblitt 1987-96, IV, 315-40.
[35] On the methodology, see also Strohm 1983, Rifkin 2003. Watermark dating along these lines has also been applied to the Trent codices (» K. Kap. Die Datierung) and the St Emmeram codex (Strohm 1983, Rumbold-Wright 2006, 14-19).
[36] WM 4, 9 and 10 deviate from the chronology, but these papers are only individual bifolios (26-27, 75/84, 85/98), added to already existing gatherings. Gathering 8 randomly assembles papers datable between 1477 and 1482, but it was not originally meant to be arranged in this order nor perhaps to be placed here: see Noblitt 1974, 42-43.
[37] On gatherings 14-17 (WM 6 with embedded papers WM 16/17, 1476-78), see Noblitt 1974, 41.
[38] Rifkin 2003, 285-6 and 300-1. Ave Maria…virgo serena is placed near the end of gathering 15 (WM 17: 1476-78); it is followed there only by an even later addition (in a different hand), the anonymous motet O propugnator miserorum, addressing Margrave Leopold III of Austria (canonised 1485), on which see » F. SL Die Motette O propugnator miserorum. The position of the motet in Josquin’s oeuvre and the possibility of its having been written outside Milan is discussed in Fallows 2009, 60-61 and 118-19.
[39] Thus Noblitt 1974, 45.
[40] Staehelin 1977, II, 19.
[41] See » I. Kap. Three early motets (David Burn), and Strohm 1997.
[42] For Rifkin 2003, 300 and 301 n. 124, these copies belong to a later stage of the main scribal hand, but the paleographical evidence seems overstated.
[43] Strohm 1997 suggests that Isaac did have contact with ‘Germanic’ idioms as they appear in these works before 1484, but that he also disseminated these idioms to other central European musicians.
[44] See the concordance table in Noblitt 1987-96, IV, 308-11.
[45] » F. Kap. The Strahov codex (Lenka Hlávková).
[46] See the description in Gancarczyk 2011.
[47] The concordances with Strahov and Trent 90 include, predictably, some of the oldest music in Leopold, for example the English motet Anima mea liquefacta est (no. 2), doubtfully ascribed in modern research to John Forest, and the Agnus dei secundum of the Mass cycle by Jean Pullois (no. 7), both composed before 1450.
[48] » J. SL In gottes namen faren wir; » Hörbsp. ♫ Ave mundi spes/Gottes namen. On both works, see also Strohm 1993, 532-3.
[49] » F. Kap. The Speciálník codex (Lenka Hlávková).
[50] There was no Holy Roman Emperor in 1493-1508.
[51] See » D. Hofmusik. Albrecht II und Friedrich III. The composer abbreviation ‘Ar. fer.’ on no. 64 (gathering 11: 1483-84) could refer to Emperor Friedrich’s chaplain Arnold Fleron: it so happens that an ‘Arnold’, probably Fleron, is recorded at Innsbruck as ‘componist’ in both 1483 and 1484: see Strohm 1993, 518 and 531 n. 478
[52] Further on the organisation of the courtly music, see » D. Hofmusik. Innsbruck; Senn 1954.
[53] Rifkin 2003, 285 n. 103, rejects the identification of scribe ‘A’ with Krombsdorfer because of the ‘Italianate’ features of a letter he sent in 1472 to Duke Ercole d’Este (» G. Kap. Ferrara): but this calligraphy was surely chosen for the benefit of the addressee.
[54] Wolfgang Unterstetter, suffering from podagra, received from the court a weekly measure of salt: HHSt Wien (A-Whh), Kopialbuch H. Nr. 7, 1485, fol. 170v-171r.
[55] See » Abb. Synopsis, and Noblitt 1987-96, IV, 341-57; Rumbold 2018, 287-89.
[56] » I. Music and Ceremony in Maximilian’s Innsbruck (Helen Coffey)
Empfohlene Zitierweise:
Ian Rumbold and Reinhard Strohm: „The Codex of Magister Nicolaus Leopold“, in: Musikleben des Spätmittelalters in der Region Österreich <https://musical-life.net/essays/codex-magister-nicolaus-leopold-0> (2021).